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អ្នក​វិភាគ​នយោបាយ​ប្រៀប​ប្រដូច​ឥរិយាបថ​លោក ហ៊ុន ម៉ាណែត ថា​ដូច​ឪពុក​របស់​លោក

លោក ហ៊ុន ម៉ាណែត កូន​ប្រុស​លោក​នាយក​រដ្ឋមន្ត្រី ហ៊ុន សែន ថ្លែង​ក្នុង​សន្និសីទ​សារព័ត៌មាន​នៅ​អាកាសយានដ្ឋាន​អន្តរជាតិ​ភ្នំពេញ នៅ​ព្រឹក​ថ្ងៃ​ពុធ ទី​១៩ ខែ​តុលា ឆ្នាំ​២០១៦។ RFA/Phann Yasy

ដោយ ម៉ម មុនីរតន៍ RFA 2016-10-20

ក្នុង​ពេល​ជួប​ជាមួយ​អ្នក​កាសែត​នៅ​ព្រលាន​យន្តហោះ​អន្តរជាតិ​ភ្នំពេញ លោក ហ៊ុន ម៉ាណែត ដែល​ជា​កូន​ប្រុស​ច្បង​របស់​លោក​នាយក​រដ្ឋមន្ត្រី ហ៊ុន សែន រិះគន់​ការ​ធ្វើ​បាតុកម្ម​របស់​ខ្មែរ​នៅ​អូស្ត្រាលី ដែល​ប្រឆាំង​រូប​លោក។ ក្រុម​អ្នក​វិភាគ​នយោបាយ​ប្រៀប​ប្រដូច​ប្រតិកម្ម​របស់​លោក ហ៊ុន ម៉ាណែត នេះ​ថា ការ​ប្រើ​ឥរិយាបថ​អម​ដោយ​ពាក្យ​សម្ដី​ផង គឺ​មិន​ខុស​ពី​ឪពុក​របស់​លោក​ប៉ុន្មាន​ឡើយ។

ក្រុម​អ្នក​ឃ្លាំ​មើល​នយោបាយ​យល់​ឃើញ​ថា អាកប្បកិរិយា​របស់​អ្នក​នយោបាយ ឬ​តួអង្គ​បុគ្គល​ដែល​នឹង​ក្លាយ​ជា​មេ​ដឹកនាំ​ប្រទេស គឺ​ជា​រឿង​ដែល​ចាំបាច់ និង​សំខាន់​បំផុត​នៅ​ក្នុង​ប្រទេស​ដែល​ប្រកាន់​គោលការណ៍​ប្រជាធិបតេយ្យ ព្រោះ​បញ្ហា​នេះ គឺ​ទាក់ទង​នឹង​ការ​សម្រេច​ចិត្ត​ផ្នែក​នយោបាយ ដែល​អាច​ផ្ដល់​ផល​វិជ្ជមាន ឬ​អវិជ្ជមាន​របស់​ប្រទេស​ជាតិ។

ការ​រិះគន់​នេះ បន្ទាប់​ពី​លោក ហ៊ុន ម៉ាណែត ប្រតិកម្ម​កាល​ពី​ថ្ងៃ​ទី​១៩ តុលា ដោយ​ប្រើប្រាស់​កាយវិការ​ទំនង​ជា​លោក​ខឹង​ខ្លាំង​ចំពោះ​វត្តមាន​ពលរដ្ឋ ធ្វើ​បាតុកម្ម​ប្រឆាំង​រូប​លោក​នៅ​ប្រទេស​អូស្ត្រាលី។
លោក​បណ្ឌិត មាស នី អ្នក​ស្រាវជ្រាវ​ការ​អភិវឌ្ឍ​សង្គម​យល់​ឃើញ​ថា ថ្វី​បើ​នៅ​ពេល​នេះ លោក ហ៊ុន ម៉ាណែត ពុំ​មែន​ជា​អ្នក​ធ្វើ​សេចក្ដី​សម្រេច​លើ​គោល​នយោបាយ​ជាតិ ប៉ុន្តែ​លោក​ក៏​ជា​បុគ្គល​ម្នាក់​ដែល​អាច​នឹង​ក្លាយ​ជា​មេ​ដឹកនាំ​ប្រទេស​នៅ​ពេល​ខាង​មុខ។ ដូច្នេះ ប្រសិន​បើ​ការ​ប្រើប្រាស់​កាយវិការ​ដែល​មើល​ទៅ​បង្កប់​ន័យ​ហិង្សា មាន​ន័យ​ថា នេះ​ក៏​ស្ថិត​ក្នុង​ជម្រើស​របស់​អ្នក​គាំទ្រ​ដែរ​ក្នុង​ការ​សម្រេច​ចិត្ត​ជា​អ្នក​ទទួល​បន្ទុក​នាវា​កម្ពុជា។ លោក​បន្ត​ថា «ខ្ញុំ​បាន​ស្ដាប់​ឮ​ពី​ការ​សន្ទនា​គ្នា​នៅ​តាម​ទី​សាធារណៈ​របស់​មហាជន​ក្តី គេ​ហាក់​ដូចជា​មាន​ការ​លើក​ឡើង​ទៅ​លើ​ចរិត​អ្នក​ដឹកនាំ​មួយ​ចំនួន ដែល​បង្ហាញ​នូវ​កង្វះ​សីលធម៌ និង​ភាព​សមរម្យ​ជា​អ្នក​ដឹកនាំ។ គេ​យល់​ថា អត្តចរិត​របស់​អ្នក​ដឹកនាំ គឺ​មាន​សារសំខាន់​ណាស់​សម្រាប់​ជា​គំរូ​ដល់​អ្នក​ដឹកនាំ​ជំនាន់​ក្រោយ»។

ក្នុង​ពេល​ផ្ដល់​បទសម្ភាសន៍​ដល់​អ្នក​កាសែត​នៅ​ព្រលាន​យន្តហោះ​អន្តរជាតិ​ភ្នំពេញ លោក ហ៊ុន ម៉ាណែត ដែល​ប្រតិកម្ម​នឹង​អ្នក​ធ្វើ​បាតុកម្ម​ប្រឆាំង​រូប​លោក ក្រៅ​ពី​មាន​ទឹក​មុខ​មាំ​លាយឡំ​ដោយ​សម្ដី​មាន​កំហឹង​ផង​នោះ កូន​ប្រុស​ច្បង​របស់​នាយក​រដ្ឋមន្ត្រី​នេះ​ថែម​ទាំង​បាន​ប្រើ​ឥរិយាបថ ដែល​អ្នក​វិភាគ​ប្រដូច​ទៅ​នឹង​ឪពុក​របស់​លោក​ដែរ។ លោក​បន្ត​ថា «កុំ​ភ្លេច​គណបក្ស​ប្រជាជន ក៏​មាន​កម្លាំង​ធ្វើ​ដែរ ​ប៉ុន្តែ​យើង​មិន​ធ្វើ។ ឯកឧត្ដម ញ៉យ ចំរើន ទៅ​គ្រប់​កន្លែង គ្មាន​ទីណា ឬ​គណបក្ស​ប្រជាជន ទៅ​ស្រែក​បដា​ទេ។ នៅ​ស្រុក​ខ្មែរ ក៏​គ្មាន​ពី​ណា​ធ្វើ​បាតុកម្ម​ដែរ»។

ចំពោះ​លោក ហ៊ុន សែន វិញ នៅ​ពេល​មាន​ប្រតិកម្ម​ទៅ​នឹង​អ្វី​មួយ​ក្រៅ​ពី​លោក​គំរាម​ថា ប្រទេស​អាច​មាន​សង្គ្រាម ឬ​ប្រើប្រាស់​ប្រព័ន្ធ​តុលាការ​ចាប់​ចង​ហើយ លោក​ថែម​ទាំង​បាន​ប្រើ​ដៃ​ចង្អុល​ឆ្ការ​ចុះ​ឆ្ការ​ឡើង រាល់​ពេល​មាន​វេទិកា​នយោបាយ​សាធារណៈ​ទៀត​ផង។

ប្រធាន​អង្គការ​សភា​យុវជន​ខ្មែរ និង​ជា​អ្នក​វិភាគ​នយោបាយ លោក ឡុង គឹមឃន យល់​ឃើញ​ថា ការ​ប្រើប្រាស់​កាយវិការ​ជា​រឿង​ចាំបាច់​ណាស់​សម្រាប់​អ្នក​នយោបាយ។ លោក​បន្ថែម​ថា ឥរិយាបថ​នេះ​ហើយ គឺ​ជា​ការ​ឆ្លុះ​បញ្ចាំង​ពី​ចិត្ត​គំនិត​ខាង​ក្នុង។ ម្យ៉ាង​វិញ​ទៀត បើ​មេ​ដឹកនាំ​មួយ​ដែល​ពោរពេញ​ដោយ​ហិង្សា​នោះ មាន​ន័យ​ថា​អាច​នឹង​ធ្វើ​សេចក្ដី​សម្រេច​ចិត្ត ដែល​នាំ​ឲ្យ​ប៉ះពាល់​ទៅ​សង្គម។ លោក​បន្ត​ថា «យើង​ក៏​សង្កេត​ឃើញ​ដែរ បើ​យើង​និយាយ​ពី​វិទ្យាសាស្ត្រ​នយោបាយ​វិញ អ្នក​នយោបាយ​មួយៗ នៅ​ពេល​គាត់​ដឹកនាំ​ស្ថាប័ន ឬ​ក៏​ប្រទេស​ហ្នឹង គាត់​ដឹកនាំ​ទៅ​លក្ខណៈ​អត្តចរិត​នយោបាយ​របស់​គាត់​ហ្នឹង​ដដែល។ ដូច្នេះ​វា​មាន​ឥទ្ធិពល ឬ​វា​ជះ​ឥទ្ធិពល​ការ​ដឹកនាំ ឬ​ទៅ​លើ​ការ​ធ្វើ​ការងារ​ប្រចាំ​ថ្ងៃ»។

បើ​ទោះ​ជា​បែប​ណា គេ​សង្កេត​ឃើញ​ថា ឥរិយាបថ ឬ​ការ​ប្រើប្រាស់​កាយវិការ​ដូចជា​លើក​ដៃ​ឆ្ការ​ចុះ​ឆ្ការ​ឡើង រាល់​ពេល​ថ្លែង​សារ​នយោបាយ​ជា​សាធារណៈ គឺ​ពុំ​មែន​តែ​កូន​ប្រុស​ច្បង​លោក​នាយក​រដ្ឋមន្ត្រី ហ៊ុន សែន ទេ ពោល​មាន​មេ​ដឹកនាំ​បក្ស​អ្នក​នយោបាយ​ដទៃ​ទៀត ក៏​សង្កេត​ឃើញ​ថា តែង​ប្រើប្រាស់​កាយវិការ​បែប​នេះ​ដែរ។

ពាក់ព័ន្ធ​រឿង​នេះ លោក សុខ ឥសាន មន្ត្រី​នាំ​ពាក្យ​គណបក្ស​ប្រជាជន​កម្ពុជា យល់​ឃើញ​ថា ការ​រិះគន់​នេះ គឺ​មិន​ឆ្លុះ​បញ្ចាំង​ពី​ការ​ពិត​ឡើយ។ លោក​បន្ថែម​ថា ឥរិយាបថ ឬ​សិទ្ធិ​សម្ដែង​មតិ​របស់​បុគ្គល​ម្នាក់ គឺ​គេ​មិន​អាច​កំណត់​ព្រំដែន​បាន​ទេ។ ហេតុ​នេះ ការ​បកស្រាយ​របស់​លោក ហ៊ុន ម៉ាណែត ពុំ​មាន​អ្វី​ដែល​ខុស​ឆ្គង ឬ​មិន​សមរម្យ​នោះ​ទេ។ លោក​បន្ត​ថា «ខ្ញុំ​យល់​ថា​ដូចជា​មិន​ត្រូវ​ទេ កាលណា​វាយ​តម្លៃ​បែប​នេះ។ គាត់​និយាយ​មាន​ហេតុផល​របស់​គាត់។ វា​មិន​ដែល​សមាជិក​ណា​ទៅ​ធ្វើ​បាតុកម្ម​ដោយ​គ្មាន​ការ​ណែនាំ​ទេ»។

លោក ហ៊ុន ម៉ាណែត ដែល​នៅ​ពេល​នេះ​ជា​មេ​បញ្ជាការ​រង​កងទ័ព​ជើង​គោក និង​ជា​នាយ​រង​សេនាធិការ​ចម្រុះ​នៃ​កង​យោធពល​ខេមរភូមិន្ទ ត្រូវ​គេ​មើល​ឃើញ​ថា អាច​នឹង​ក្លាយ​ជា​បេក្ខជន​នាយក​រដ្ឋមន្ត្រី​មួយ​រូប​ក្នុង​ចំណោម​បេក្ខជន​ដទៃ​ទៀត​របស់​បក្ស​កាន់​អំណាច​នៅ​ពេល​ខាង​មុខ។

ក្រុម​អ្នក​វិភាគ​នយោបាយ​យល់​ឃើញ​ថា ប្រសិន​បើ​ដូច​ពាក្យ​ចាស់​ពោល​ថា ស្លឹក​ឈើ​ជ្រុះ​មិន​ឆ្ងាយ​ពី​គល់​ទេ មាន​ន័យ​ថា ឥរិយាបថ​នៅ​ពេល​នេះ​របស់​លោក ហ៊ុន ម៉ាណែត អាច​ប៉ះពាល់​ទៅ​ដល់​មុខ​នាទី និង​ការ​គ្រប់គ្រង ប្រសិន​បើ​លោក​ក្លាយ​ជា​មេ​ដឹកនាំ​រដ្ឋ៕

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Suu Kyi says Myanmar struggling to establish democracy

Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi (R) and Myanmar de facto leader Aung San Suu Kyi meet in New Delhi on October 19, 2016

AFP News19 October 2016

Myanmar is struggling to establish full democracy after 50 years of military rule, de facto leader Aung San Suu Kyi said Wednesday following a deadly military lockdown in restive Rakhine state.

State media say security forces have killed at least 29 people in a military crackdown after raids on guard posts along the Bangladesh border which the government blamed on Islamist insurgents.

The area is home to many Rohingya, a persecuted Muslim minority in the overwhelmingly Buddhist country.

“We as a nation are struggling to make the democratic culture take root,” Suu Kyi told reporters after meeting Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi on her first official visit to New Delhi.
“We too have many challenges to face, but we are confident that these challenges can be overcome because our people are determined to overcome them.”

Suu Kyi won a historic election victory last year and her administration is managing a difficult transition from a military-run pariah nation to full-fledged democracy.

After spending much of the last few decades under arrest, she is now officially foreign minister and self-appointed state counsellor — a role akin to prime minister.

But her country remains riven with ethnic and religious violence and she has disappointed some of her supporters by refusing publicly to recognise the Rohingya as legal citizens.

Tens of thousands of stateless Rohingya have spent the past four years trapped in bleak displacement camps with limited access to health care and other basic services.

Suu Kyi said her country had suffered from a lack of peace and stability for many decades and looked to neighbouring India for help in developing as a democracy.

Modi said India, which strongly supported Suu Kyi during her time in opposition, stood “shoulder to shoulder” with Myanmar.

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Hun Sen Targets Diaspora Markets

Hun Sen Targets Diaspora Markets
“…Why Cambodia is bothered too much by its diaspora market? … The diaspora is a tiny market for votes, a relatively small market for financing the opposition, and a sunset market. I’m unsighted as to why the fight over that market is so serious by CPP.” 
Centre for Policy Studies Director Chan Sophal, 10 October 2016, Campro [professional network]
“If Sam Rainsy came to be with me, it would be better than me being alone. But if he does not decide to come back, we can still run the party without him.”
CNRP Acting president Kem Sokha, 12 October 2016, The Phnom Penh Post
“So please, your majesty with your soul resting in peace, use your power to lift up Khmer politicians to unite the nation again and find reconciliation for all Khmers to be happy.”
CNRP Acting president Kem Sokha, 17 October 2016, The Cambodia Daily
Economist Chan Sophal asks the very pertinent question. Hun Sen for the last few years has sent his eldest son into what Chan Sophal calls diaspora “market”.  He says he refers to it as market because there is a competition.
Anyway, Chan Sophal is perplexed by the logic of Hun Sen’s venture into the markets. He argues the markets, which have so far largely funded Hun Sen’s opponents in Cambodia, are a dying breed; they will disappear within 10-20 years by natural causes. He says, compared with the CPP’s financial muscles, the diaspora political contributions to CNRP are pittances. Thus, he contends there is no need to compete in these “sunset” markets. They do not even vote.
Nevertheless, Chan Sophal may misread Hun Sen’s diaspora policy. While he is thinking of competitive markets where fairness rules, autocrat Hun Sen eyes a monopoly. Chan Sophal may not know Hun Sen is a control freak who wants all monopolistic power both in politics and the markets.
Inside Cambodia, Hun Sen’s strong-arm tactics have paid off; they have instilled fear in the people, especially among his opponents and critics. Only brave loudmouths are those who justify, or find excuses for, whatever Hun Sen can come up with. In their mind, the silent majority is simply stupid, ready to swallow anything.
Amid the subdued is a timid CNRP. Hun Sen’s intimidation makes their head spin. Scores of their MPs and senators are in exile or jail, or on their way there. The deputy president has been holed up in their headquarters, longing for a return from exile of the president who maintains he has higher priorities. They beg the king for pardons eventhough they insist they have done nothing wrong or illegal, only to be rejected by Hun Sen, who overshadows the king. The deputy president is so despondent he prays for late Sihanouk’s help.

Now that he has the domestic market in his pocket, Hun Sen turns his focus onto the diaspora for a complete monopoly in Cambodian politics. Autocratic Hun Sen may be too impatient to tolerate the Chan Sophal sunset markets. Autocrats usually want everything yesterday.
There are, however, some splinters Hun Sen must remove from his skin. First, the threat and fear he has so successfully instilled in the local psyche may not be effective in the diaspora communities. Any violence that openly works in Cambodia may not be so easily executed and covered up where impunity is not an option. Second, while the domestic media largely dance to Hun Sen’s tunes, the rest of the world does not. Hun Sen must shut down these international media to prevent uncovering any unsavoury information he claims to be falsified.
However, a glimpse of hope is that if the diaspora communities are seen as markets, where money is usually exchanged for goods and services, Hun Sen still has an option of buying the monopoly with his monies.
The question is then whether the diaspora communities will sell out their soul. Will you?
Ung Bun Ang
20×16 
By The Way
«គណៈកម្មការ​នៅ​ជំហរ​ដដែល ព្រោះ​ថា​​នេះ​ជា​ទី​វត្តអារាម​ដែល​យើង​ត្រូវ​ធ្វើ​បុណ្យ ហើយ​ព្រះចៅ​អធិការ​ក៏​បាន​ឯកភាព​ហើយ។ អ៊ីចឹង​យើង​បាន​ប្រកាស​ហើយ នេះ​ជា​ជំហរ​គណៈកម្មការ។ គណៈកម្មការ​ជូន​ដំណឹង​ទៅ​សាលា​ក្រុង​ មិន​មែន​សុំ​ការ​អនុញ្ញាត​ពី​សាលាក្រុង​ទេ ប៉ុន្តែ​សាលាក្រុង​បែរ​ជា​ចេញ​លិខិត​បដិសេធ។ និយាយ​រួម​គឺ​នៅ​តែ​វត្ត​ចាស់ ដដែល យើង​ជូន​ដំណឹង​ដោយសារ​​ព្រះចៅ​អធិការ​លោក​អនុញ្ញាត»
សមាជិក​គណៈកម្មការ​បុណ្យ លោក សៅ កុសល ​ថ្ងៃ​ទី ៧ ខែ តុលា ឆ្នាំ​២០១៦ វិទ្យុ​អាស៊ីសេរី 
If the timid CNRP ever needed lessons in overcoming the CPP threats, the experience of the committee organising the 100-day commemoration for Kem Ley might offer some clue. The committee understands Hun Sen’s thinking far better than the CNRP does. When Hun Sen refuses permission for them to hold the commemoration at Wat Chas, the committee makes it so blunt to him that his objection will not stop them from proceeding. Then Hun Sen backs down.
Why does the committee decide to defy Hun Sen? They must know Kem Ley commands so much respect from so many people that it will be extremely difficult for Hun Sen to go against the people’s power. They are right.
Why does Hun Sen back down? Definitely not for the love of, or respect for, Kem Ley. He must be fearful of the people’s power that Kem Ley still commands. His armed forces would not have enough time and bullets to shoot them all. He is also right to back down in this instance. Nevertheless, he must be now working to silence the committee members one-by-one later, either through jail or assassination. His adversaries seem to be ready, anyhow.
Still, the CNRP leadership may appreciate the audacity of the organising committee only after first acquiring some backbone.
Nota Bene – It is regrettable I may be duped into using in the last Pseng- Pseng edition the photo of the Cambodia’s strong couple standing with troops reviewed by Vietnam prime minister. I assumed the photo was legit after it had been floated in the cyber space for a few years and the CPP had not bothered to shoot it down, or search and jail the photo doctor.
Should you wish to receive Pseng-Pseng on your screen as soon as it is released, subscribe to it at https://tinyletter.com/pseng-pseng
Pseng-Pseng is published irregularly. Previous issues are archived at pseng-pseng.blogspot.com

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Kem Sokha’s Daughter Takes to Twitter to Rebuke Rainsy




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ទាបាញ់…បាញ់ទា ឬបាញ់បាតុករ?…

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Manet upset over Australia protests

Hun Manet (centre) talks with reporters yesterday morning at the Phnom Penh International Airport after returning from a trip to Australia. Pha Lina

Mech Dara, The Phnom Penh Post
Thu, 20 October 2016

Prime Minister Hun Sen’s eldest son Hun Manet returned yesterday from an almost two-week trip to Australia, complaining about protests that met him there and suggesting that the ruling party had the capacity to stage protests of its own.

The CNRP has insisted it was not behind the protests that met Manet in the cities of Melbourne, Adelaide and Sydney, but upon his return to Phnom Penh yesterday, Manet told reporters he still believed leaders of the party in Australia were the organisers.

The protesters, he continued, had crudely cursed him as “a ghost and an evil spirit that eats religious offerings”, instead of offering constructive criticism, and left him confused about their intent.

“What was the benefit?” Manet asked.

“I just came to hear about [what Cambodian-Australians think about] our country. So why are they looking down on me, causing divisions and conflicts? Is this the benefit of the demonstrations?

“Wherever I go, there is always hate. It was not different from the US,” he added. “But do not forget that there was a lot of people joining in and supporting [my visit].”

Manet reiterated that he still believed the CNRP in Cambodia was behind the protests, and brought up CNRP lawmaker Nhay Chamroeun, who has also been known to make trips abroad.

“If the CNRP really did hold [the protests], what does that mean?” Manet asked. “Don’t forget that the CPP has forces – but we don’t use them. Nhay Chamroeun goes everywhere and there is no one from the CPP rallying and shouting with banners.

“In Phnom Penh, we haven’t done that.”

Manet, however, failed to acknowledge that Chamroeun and fellow CNRP lawmaker Kong Saphea were savagely beaten outside the National Assembly last year by a mob that included three of Hun Sen’s bodyguards following a protest promoted by the premier.

Hun Sen had foreshadowed the protest from abroad, after being similarly angered by protesters on a trip to France.

The diaspora has long been a stronghold of the opposition, and Manet was last year put in charge of leading the CPP’s first counter-efforts at outreach in countries like Australia, the US and France. However, he yesterday denied that was his intent on the trip.

“With my presence abroad, I am not breaking anyone’s rice pot. I am not forcing [anyone] and not stealing anyone’s rice pot. I am abroad to meet with people voluntarily,” Manet said. “I do not go overseas to gain financial support to help the CPP.

“Don’t accuse me of breaking the rice pot. If the rice is good, there would be no one running from it.”

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