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ហ្វូង​ដង្កូវ​បំផ្លាញ​ស្រូវ​ជា​ច្រើន​ហិកតារ​របស់​ពលរដ្ឋ​ខេត្ត​ព្រះវិហារ​និង​សៀមរាប

ហ្វូង​ដង្កូវ​ស៊ី​ស្រូវ​ពង្រោះ​នៅ​ភូមិ​ស្លែង ឃុំ​ស្រណាល ស្រុក​ក្រឡាញ់ ខេត្ត​សៀមរាប។ រូបថត​ថ្ងៃ​ទី​១៥ ខែ​មិថុនា ឆ្នាំ​២០១៦  RFA/Hang Savyouth

ដោយ ហង្ស សាវយុត RFA 2016-06-17

អភូតហេតុ​ដ៏​ចម្លែក​កម្រ​ជួបប្រទះ​មួយ​កំពុង​កើត​មាន​នៅ​តាម​បណ្ដា​ស្រុក​មួយ​ចំនួន​របស់​ខេត្ត​ព្រះវិហារ និង​ខេត្ត​សៀមរាប ដែល​ជា​ខេត្ត​ស្ថិត​នៅ​ប៉ែក​ឧត្តរ​របស់​ប្រទេស​កម្ពុជា។

អភូតហេតុ​ធម្មជាតិ​នោះ គឺ​មាន​សត្វ​ដង្កូវ​រាប់​ម៉ឺន​ក្បាល​បាន​កើត​ឡើង​នៅ​ពាសពេញ​ដី ហើយ​បាន​ស៊ី​បំផ្លាញ​ស្រូវ ព្រម​ទាំង​ដំណាំ​ចម្ការ​របស់​ប្រជាពលរដ្ឋ​អស់​ជា​ច្រើន​រយ​ហិកតារ។

ប្រជាពលរដ្ឋ​ជា​ច្រើន​គ្រួសារ​រស់​នៅ​តាម​បណ្ដា​ស្រុក​ខ្លះ របស់​ខេត្ត​ព្រះវិហារ និង​ខេត្ត​សៀមរាប កំពុង​ទទួល​រង​ការ​ប៉ះពាល់​ដោយ​ខូចខាត​ផលដំណាំ​ជា​ច្រើន​ហិកតារ នៅ​ក្នុង​រដូវវស្សា​នៃ​ដើម​ឆ្នាំ​២០១៦។

​ការ​ខូចខាត​ផលដំណាំ​ដែល​ទើបតែ​ចាប់​ផ្ដើម​ក្នុង​រដូវ​ដាំ​ដុះ​នេះ បណ្ដាល​មក​ពី​អភូតហេតុ​ធម្មជាតិ​ដែល​កើត​មាន​សត្វ​ដង្កូវ​រាប់​ម៉ឺន​ក្បាល ហើយ​ចាប់​ផ្ដើម​ស៊ី​បំផ្លាញ​ស្រូវ និង​ផលដំណាំ​ដទៃ​ទៀត​អស់​ជា​ច្រើន​ហិកតារ​ក្នុង ១​យប់ៗ។

កសិករ​ម្នាក់​នៅ​ឃុំ​គូលែន​ខាងជើង នៃ​ស្រុក​គូលែន ក្នុង​ចំណោម​កសិករ​ជា​ច្រើន​ទៀត គឺ​លោក ងួន គុណ។ លោក​អះអាង​ថា បច្ចុប្បន្ន នៅ​ភូមិ​របស់​គាត់​និង​ភូមិ​ជាប់​គ្នា គឺ​កំពុង​កើត​មាន​ហ្វូង​ដង្កូវ​រាប់​ម៉ឺន​ក្បាល។ សត្វ​ដង្កូវ​នេះ ក្រៅ​តែ​ពី​ស៊ី​បំផ្លាញ​ស្លឹកឈើ​ព្រៃ វា​ក៏​ស៊ី​បំផ្លាញ​ដំណាំ​កសិករ​អស់​ជា​ច្រើន​ហិកតារ​ក្នុង ១​ថ្ងៃៗ។

បុរស​ដដែល​បញ្ជាក់​ថា គាត់​បាន​ដាំ​ឪឡឹក​ជា​ច្រើន​ហិកតារ ក៏ប៉ុន្តែ​តាំង​ពី​មាន​វត្តមាន​ហ្វូង​ដង្កូវ​គឺ​វា​នាំ​គ្នា​ស៊ី​ក្ដឹប​ឪឡឹក​អស់​គ្មាន​សល់ បើ​ទោះបី​ជា​ប្រើ​ថ្នាំពុល​បាញ់​ក៏​ស្លាប់​តែមួយ​ចំនួន ឯ​មួយ​ចំនួន​ទៀត​ក៏​កើត​ឡើង​ជា​ថ្មី៖ «ដង្កូវ​ហ្នឹង​វា​ពណ៌​ខ្មៅ​ផង ពណ៌​ខៀវ​កាត់ៗ​ផង តូចៗ​ប្រហែល​ជា​ប៉ុន​ជើង​ធូប​ខ្លះ ធំ​ជាង​បន្តបន្ទាប់​រហូត​ដល់​ប៉ុន​កូនដៃ។ អា​កូន​កើត​ឡើង​ធំ​ក្លាយ​ទៅ​ជា​មេ​វា​ងាប់​ទៅ​អា​កូន​កើត​ឡើង​ថ្មី​ទៀត»។

នៅ​ស្រុក​គូលែន ភាគ​ខាង​ត្បូង​ទីរួម​ខេត្ត​ព្រះវិហារ គឺ​សត្វ​ដង្កូវ​ប្រភេទ​នេះ កំពុង​លុកលុយ និង​បំផ្លាញ​ផលដំណាំ​អស់​ជា​ច្រើន​ហិកតារ។

ហ្វូង​ដង្កូវ​ស៊ី​ដំណាំ​ដំឡូងមី​របស់​ប្រជាពលរដ្ឋ​នៅ​ក្រុង​ព្រះវិហារ ខេត្ត​ព្រះវិហារ។ Photo provided

ទោះ​ជា​យ៉ាង​ណា​វិទ្យុ​អាស៊ីសេរី មិន​អាច​ទាក់ទង​អភិបាល​រង​ស្រុក​គូលែន ទទួល​បន្ទុក​កសិកម្ម និង​ព្រៃឈើ លោក ប៉ែន ជឹង ដើម្បី​សុំ​ការ​បញ្ជាក់​អំពី​តួលេខ​នៃ​ការ​ខូចខាត​ផល​ដំណាំ​នៅ​ស្រុក​នោះ​បាន​ថា​យ៉ាង​ណា​នៅ​ឡើយ នៅ​ថ្ងៃ​ទី​១៦ ខែ​មិថុនា។ ចំណែក​នៅ​ក្រុង​ព្រះវិហារ ហ្វូង​សត្វ​ដង្កូវ​ប្រភេទ​ដូច​គ្នា​នេះ ក៏​កំពុង​រាតត្បាត​ដំណាំ​នៅ​តាម​ចម្ការ​ដែរ។

​កសិករ​នៅ​សង្កាត់​កំពង់​ប្រណាក ក្រុង​ព្រះវិហារ លោក សឿន លុច មាន​ប្រសាសន៍​ថា រូប​លោក​ក៏​ដូចជា​កសិករ​ជា​ច្រើន​គ្រួសារ​បាន​ខូចខាត​ផល​ដំណាំ​អស់​ជា​ច្រើន​ហិកតារ ដោយ​មិន​មាន​មធ្យោបាយ​ណា​ការពារ​បាន​ឡើយ។

បុរស​ដដែល​បញ្ជាក់​ថា លោក​បាន​ដាំ​សណ្ដែកបាយ​លើ​ផ្ទៃដី​ទំហំ​ប្រហែល​ជា ៦​ហិកតារ ក៏ប៉ុន្តែ​ហ្វូង​សត្វ​ដង្កូវ​បាន​ចោមរោម​ស៊ី​អស់៖ «វា​ចំនួន​រាប់​ម៉ឺន​រាប់​សែន​ដង្កូវ ថា​ច្រើន​ហួស​ពី​ការ​ស្មាន។ វា​ស៊ី ១​យប់ៗ អស់​ប្រហែល​ជា ២-​៣​ហិកតារ»។

មន្ត្រី​មន្ទីរ​កសិកម្ម-​រុក្ខា​ប្រមាញ់ និង​នេសាទ ខេត្ត​ព្រះវិហារ ឱ្យ​ដឹង​ថា ហ្វូង​ដង្កូវ​កំពុង​កើត​មាន​ជា​ច្រើន​ស្រុក​នៅ​តាម​តំបន់​ខ្លះ​របស់​ខេត្ត​ព្រះវិហារ។ ស្រុក​ទាំង​នោះ​មាន​ស្រុក​គូលែន ស្រុក​សង្គមថ្មី ស្រុក​រវៀង ស្រុក​ឆែប រួម​ទាំង​ភាគ​ខ្លះ​នៃ​ក្រុង​ព្រះវិហារ។

ប្រធាន​មន្ទីរ​កសិកម្ម ខេត្ត​ព្រះវិហារ លោក ពឹង ទ្រីដា មាន​ប្រសាសន៍​ថា តាម​ការ​យល់​ដឹង​របស់​លោក គឺ​ហ្វូង​ដង្កូវ​ទាំង​នោះ​បាន​កើត​មាន​ដោយសារ​តែ​អាកាសធាតុ​ប្រែប្រួល។ កាល​ពី​រដូវប្រាំង​កន្លង​ទៅ ដោយសារ​តែ​អាកាសធាតុ​ឡើង​កម្ដៅ​ខ្លាំង វា​ជា​អំណោយផល​ឱ្យ​សត្វ​មេអំបៅ​ព្រៃ​ម្យ៉ាង​អាច​ពង​នៅ​ក្រោម​ដី ហើយ​ញាស់​ចេញ​ជា​ដង្កូវ​បាន​ល្អ​ជាង​ពេល​ដែល​មាន​អាកាសធាតុ​ត្រជាក់។

លោក ពឹង ទ្រីដា បញ្ជាក់​ថា លោក​បាន​ចាត់​មន្ត្រី​ជំនាញ​ផ្នែក​កសិកម្ម ឱ្យ​ចុះ​ទៅ​ផ្សព្វផ្សាយ និង​អប់រំ​ប្រជា​កសិករ អំពី​វិធី​ទប់ទល់​នឹង​សត្វ​ដង្កូវ​ទាំង​នោះ តាម​វិធី​ធម្មជាតិ​ដោយ​មិន​បាច់​ប្រើ​ថ្នាំ​គីមី​ពុល​ជា​ច្រើន​សប្ដាហ៍​មក​ហើយ។ លោក​ថា សត្វ​ដង្កូវ​ទាំង​នោះ​នឹង​បាត់​ទៅ​វិញ​នៅ​ពេល​ណា​ដែល​មាន​ភ្លៀង​ធ្លាក់​ខ្លាំង​ជោកជាំ​ដី​សព្វ​ទីកន្លែង៖ «យើង​អប់រំ​ប្រជាជន​ឱ្យ​ជីក​ចង្អូរ ប្រហែល​ជម្រៅ ១​តឹក​កន្លះ ហើយ​វា​វារ​មក វា​ធ្លាក់​ចូល​រណ្ដៅ​ហ្នឹង​គឺ​វារ​ឡើង​មិន​រួច​ទេ រួច​ហើយ​យើង​អាច​ប្រមូល​វា​យក​ទៅ​កម្ទេច​ចោល​បាន»។

មន្ត្រី​មន្ទីរ​កសិកម្ម ខេត្ត​ព្រះវិហារ ឱ្យ​ដឹង​ថា ក្នុង​ចំណោម​ស្រុក​ចំនួន​៥ របស់​ខេត្ត​ព្រះវិហារ ដែល​កើត​មាន​ហ្វូង​ដង្កូវ​នោះ គឺ​ស្រុក​សង្គមថ្មី បាន​ទទួល​រង​ការ​ខូចខាត​ផល​ដំណាំ​ធ្ងន់ធ្ងរ​ជាង​គេ ដោយ​ដំណាំ​ល្ពៅ​របស់​ប្រជាពលរដ្ឋ​ប្រហែល ១០០​ហិកតារ កំពុងតែ​ផ្លែ​ទៅ​ហើយ ត្រូវ​ដង្កូវ​ស៊ី ហើយ​រុយ​ពង​ដាក់​បណ្ដាល​ឱ្យ​កើត​ជា​ដង្កូវ​មួយ​ប្រភេទ​ផ្សេង​ទៀត​ចូល​ទៅ​ស៊ី​ខាង​ក្នុង​រលួយ​ខូច​អស់។

​នៅ​ខេត្ត​ព្រះវិហារ មាន​ដំណាំ​ដំឡូង​មី សណ្ដែកបាយ និង​ស្រូវ​ជា​ច្រើន​ហិកតារ បាន​ខូចខាត​ដោយសារ​តែ​ហ្វូង​ដង្កូវ​នេះ។

ចំណែក​នៅ​ឯ​ភូមិ​ស្លែង ឃុំ​ស្រណាល នៃ​ស្រុក​ក្រឡាញ់ ចម្ងាយ​ជាង ៥០​គីឡូម៉ែត្រ​ភាគ​ខាង​លិច​ពី​ទី​រួម​ខេត្ត​សៀមរាប អាជ្ញាធរ​បាន​រាយការណ៍​ថា ដង្កូវ​ហ្វូង​បាន​កើត​ឡើង​រាប់​ម៉ឺន​ក្បាល ហើយ​បាន​ស៊ី​បំផ្លាញ​ស្រូវ​ពង្រោះ​អស់​ប្រហែល ២០០​ហិកតារ ក្នុង​រយៈពេល ៣-​៤​ថ្ងៃ​មក​នេះ៕

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Cambodia’s Crackdown on Opposition Signals End of ‘Culture of Dialogue’

World Politics Review, The Editors, June 16, 2016

Since late May, Kem Sokha, vice president of Cambodia’s opposition party, has remained in the party headquarters to avoid arrest over charges that he procured a prostitute. The case is the latest in what the European Union has condemned as a campaign of “judicial harassment” against the opposition. In an email interview, Stuart White, the national news editor at the Phnom Penh Post, discusses Cambodia’s current crackdown on the opposition and the prospects for reform.

Welcome to Cambodian politics
សូមស្វាគមន៍ដល់​នយោបាយនៅកម្ពុជា
ហ្នឹងហើយនយោបាយខ្មែរ ប្រសិនបើបរទេសវិញ ឱនលំទោនឱ្យញ័រ។
Cambodia human rights advocates arrive at an appeals court, Phnom Penh, Cambodia, June 13, 2016
(AP photo by Heng Sinith).

WPR: What is driving the current crackdown on Cambodia’s opposition, and what explains Prime Minister Hun Sen’s decision to end the truce represented by the “culture of dialogue”?

Stuart White: Some analysts have suggested that the situation currently facing the opposition Cambodia National Rescue Party (CNRP) is just the latest iteration of the cycle of crackdowns and concessions that have been a hallmark of the ruling Cambodia People’s Party (CPP) since the 1991 Paris Peace Accords. However, this latest crackdown does appear to be particularly wide-ranging, having also swept up NGO staffers, and even an election official.

Whether it represents the abandonment of the so-called culture of dialogue between the two parties depends on whether you believe that culture ever actually came into effect. It seemed from the outset that both sides had fundamentally different understandings of what “dialogue” entailed.

Opposition leader Sam Rainsy, himself currently in exile to avoid politically motivated charges, appeared to believe that the new culture signaled an era of CPP openness to constructive criticism and incremental reform. Hun Sen, on the other hand, appeared to believe that it meant an end to criticism altogether. When opposition members, including the party’s currently embattled vice president, Kem Sokha, failed to stop publicly airing their long-standing grievances with the government, Hun Sen seemingly gave up on the culture altogether.


WPR: Has the opposition made any gains on its core demands since the disputed 2013 elections, and what impact has its decision to enter parliament, as well as the recent crackdown, had on its political support?

White: The opposition has gained little ground in terms of enacting the sort of legislation it called for in 2013, though Cambodian parliamentary rules make it very difficult to achieve much as a minority party.

Ironically, the CPP has co-opted one of the opposition’s most politically popular ideas, namely its call for a $250 minimum monthly salary for all government employees. The idea was widely popular when the CNRP campaigned for it in 2013. The CPP, however, has since been bumping up civil servants’ pay unilaterally, and taking the credit publicly. Earlier this year, Kem Sokha tried to cast the government’s reappropriation of opposition ideas as a measure of his party’s influence, and was promptly denounced by Hun Sen for “deceiving citizens.”

The opposition was also promised a permit to start its own TV station as part of the post-election deal, a big step in a country where broadcast media is almost entirely aligned with the ruling party. However, efforts to start the station have been stalled repeatedly, most recently by local officials’ refusal to issue the party a permit to build an antenna. Authorities said the decision was based on concerns of nearby residents, who feared its emissions would impact their health, although medical consensus says they won’t. But locals later said the health fears had first been drummed up by a CPP village official.

The opposition did manage to secure the reform of the National Election Committee, which had long been seen as an instrument of the CPP, but even that victory has proved to be tenuous. One CNRP appointee to the committee was recently summoned to court over years-old charges, and one of the body’s apolitical staffers with a background in human rights has been arrested as part of the ongoing case against Kem Sokha.

It remains to be seen whether those who voted for the CNRP in the last election will withdraw their support after its rocky record in parliament. Given Cambodia’s longstanding tradition of personality-driven politics, it’s even debatable how much the party’s performance will impact voters’ opinions.

WPR: Has Hun Sen instituted any of the reforms he called necessary following the CPP’s relative loss of electoral support in 2013, and has the CPP shored up its political base since then?

White: Rather than institute painful reforms, the CPP has seemingly gone in the opposite direction, passing a handful of deeply unpopular laws—on NGOs, unions and telecommunications, for instance—all of which, critics say, give the government undue powers to stifle dissent.

However, a recent Cabinet reshuffle was seen by some as an effort to put more modern, reform-minded ministers in charge of key sectors, particularly foreign affairs, public works and land management. The government’s approach to tackling corruption, however, is still less than vigorous, and the country’s main anti-corruption body is currently spearheading the action against Kem Sokha.

To rebuild popular support, Hun Sen has given out a handful of what he has called “gifts” to everyday people, for instance by taking unilateral action to cancel the concession for an unpopular toll road, among other things.

Aside from that, the party appears to have returned to its old strategy of touting its twin pillars of peace and development, though the peace element is increasingly irrelevant to a growing population of young people who grew up long after the country’s years of war.

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PM dimisses Rainsy’s repudiation of Manet rumour

Sam Rainsy talks with CNRP party members in Cambodia from the United States via video stream earlier this week. Photo supplied

Meas Sokchea and Ananth Baliga, The Phnom Penh Post
Fri, 17 June 2016

Prime Minister Hun Sen yesterday rejected opposition leader Sam Rainsy’s attempt to condemn rumours concerning the parentage of the premier’s son, Hun Manet, calling the self-exiled leader a fugitive “convict”.

Speaking to Fresh News, Hun Sen said Rainsy’s letter, which he sent two days ago, was to be ignored and that he had no intention to speak with the opposition leader. “I do not have time and it is not necessary to talk with a convict who is escaping from the net of the law abroad,” Hun Sen said.

Rainsy had sent the prime minister the letter calling the rumours that Manet was not Hun Sen’s legitimate son “immoral behaviour”, and saying he shared in the suffering caused to the family.

Council of Ministers spokesman Phay Siphan, however, alleged that Rainsy’s letter in fact insulted the premier, given that he had misspelled the prime minister’s honorific, “samdech”.

He added that Rainsy’s letter was only an attempt to get leniency in his own legal battles. “Rainsy is using it to excuse him from the actions of the court.”

In May, the CNRP terminated the membership of overseas activist Yorng Noy, who also goes by Brady Young, for making the same accusations about Manet on social media.

Yesterday Young, in a video on Facebook, offered to return to Cambodia to face action for his comments, but only on the condition that jailed activists be released.

Siphan dismissed the suggestion yesterday, calling it a “mockery” of the Cambodian court system.

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Gov’t seeks input on new rice standards

Rice is harvested from a field using a small harvest machine in Tbong Khmum province earlier this year. Heng Chivoan

Cheng Sokhorng, The Phnom Penh Post
Thu, 16 June 2016

The Institute of Standards of Cambodia (ISC) is soliciting feedback from local stakeholders as it prepares to launch two new standards for the rice industry, the country’s most important agricultural sector.

The ISC is giving the public until June 30 to comment on its proposed national standards for the production and trade of two premium rice varieties – phka rumduol and phka chansensar – Chheng Uddara, director of the ISC’s standards development, training and consultancy department, said yesterday.

“We want to give one last chance to those who want to alter, add or reject any point in the draft standards of these two rice varieties,” he said.

He said that specifications were developed for the two rice varieties because of their high local and international demand.

“The standard provides a clearer identify on the rice and will help support quality assurance and promote exports,” he said, adding that the draft standards would be adopted in July if no amendments were required.

The draft standards identify each variety’s distinct characteristics, including its unique shape, texture, scent and cooking properties.

They also set requirements for hygiene, packaging and trademarks.

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Remittances may worsen Kingdom's wealth divide: study

A man receives money from a Wing agent after concluding a transaction at a Phnom Penh branch yesterday afternoon. Hong Menea

Jack Davies, The Phnom Penh Post
Thu, 16 June 2016

Phnom Penh’s population nearly doubled in the first decade of the 21st century, in large part thanks to workers streaming into the capital in hopes of sending money back home to their families in the provinces.

While such remittances are frequently cited as a key contributor to rural development, a study released last week suggests that this remittance culture may in fact be exacerbating Cambodia’s already dramatic wealth divide.

Published in Migration Studies, Dr Laurie Parsons’ Mobile inequality: Remittances and social network centrality in Cambodian migrant livelihoods examines the burden that sending remittances home had on migrant labourer communities living on Phnom Penh’s periphery.

Parsons found that the prospects of labourers from poorer homes were significantly lower than their peers, as they were expected to send home larger remittances to support their families.

From a sample of 50 migrant labourers, Parsons found the mean monthly salary was $131, with average monthly remittances at $42 a month. However, he also found remittances demanded by relatives back home can frequently be much higher.

“Every month I can send only $70 or $80, which isn’t enough for the people back home,” one respondent told researchers.

Parsons found that migrants who sent home more than 10 per cent of their income each month were unlikely to “achieve urban advancement”, which he defined as having notably improved their income or moved into a more “prestigious” job.

Meanwhile, remittances in Cambodia are big business. Franchette Cardona, marketing director of Wing, one of Cambodia’s largest money transfer providers, said in an email yesterday that Wing alone facilitates the transfer of roughly $2 billion from Phnom Penh to the provinces each year.

Dr Chivoin Peou, a Cambodian sociologist who has examined rural-urban migration, said yesterday that while he did not see the remittance economy as exacerbating inequality, there is nonetheless a divide among those who move to the capital.

“Those who are under the pressure to come to the city, they come because their family is in debt, so whatever they earn is to pay off the debt, and that gives them quite a bleak prospect in terms of what their future holds because everything they earn goes to pay off the debt,” he said. “But those who come with no debt pressure have more freedom with what to do because they have money.”

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Conservationists caution road through sanctury may harm birds

Cambodia’s critically endangered national bird, the giant ibis, pictured in the remote Western Siem Pang forest in Stung Treng province. Eleanor Briggs

Kong Meta and Igor Kossov, The Phnom Penh Post
Wed, 15 June 2016

Conservationists have warned a new road could threaten endangered bird species in Stung Treng’s Siem Pang wildlife sanctuary.

Country program manager Bou Vorsak said BirdLife International had worked with Forestry Administration officials in the area for over a decade to protect endangered species, and the 65,000-hectare area had been officially declared a wildlife sanctuary last month.

The designation would make encroachment by economic land concessions less likely, Vorsak said. However, he said a road being built by army engineers through the sanctuary would draw houses and shops, leading to further development and habitat loss.

Svay Rieng province department of rural development director Minh Sichay said construction of the road to the Laos border began in January last year and that 137 kilometres of the 224-kilometre stretch had been completed.

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