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សម្ភាស​ប្រធាន​គណបក្ស​ប្រជាធិបតេយ្យ​មូលដ្ឋាន​អំពី​កម្មវិធី​នយោបាយ​គណបក្ស

ប្រធាន​គណបក្ស​ប្រជាធិបតេយ្យ​មូលដ្ឋាន លោក យ៉េង វីរៈ ផ្ដល់​បទសម្ភាសន៍​ឲ្យ​អាស៊ីសេរី កាល​ពី​ថ្ងៃ​ទី​២០ ខែ​មេសា ឆ្នាំ​២០១៧។ Photo: RFA

ដោយ ចេង ម៉េងជូ RFA 2017-05-22

គិត​ត្រឹម​ឆ្នាំ​២០១៧ គណបក្ស​ប្រជាធិបតេយ្យ​មូលដ្ឋាន មាន​វ័យ​ប្រហែល ២​ឆ្នាំ​ប៉ុណ្ណោះ។ គណបក្ស​នេះ​ប្រសូត​ចេញ​ពី​បណ្ដាញ «ខ្មែរ​ដើម្បី​ខ្មែរ» ដែល​ជា​បណ្ដុំ​នៃ​បញ្ញវន្ត​មួយ​ចំនួន ដូចជា​លោក​បណ្ឌិត កែម ឡី អ្នក​ស្រាវជ្រាវ​ការ​អភិវឌ្ឍ​សង្គម លោក​បណ្ឌិត យ៉ង សាំងកុមារ អតីត​ប្រធាន​អង្គការ​សេដាក (CEDAC) បច្ចុប្បន្ន​ជា​ប្រធាន​កម្មវិធី​ពង្រឹង​សមត្ថភាព​ថ្នាក់​ដឹកនាំ​មូលដ្ឋាន និង​លោក យ៉េង វីរៈ អតីត​នាយក​មជ្ឈមណ្ឌល​អប់រំ​ច្បាប់​សម្រាប់​សហគមន៍។ បច្ចុប្បន្ន លោក យ៉េង វីរៈ ជា​ប្រធាន​គណបក្ស​ប្រជាធិបតេយ្យ​មូលដ្ឋាន នេះ។

សូម​ស្ដាប់​អ្នក​យក​ព័ត៌មាន​អាស៊ីសេរី គឺ​កញ្ញា ចេង ម៉េងជូ ពិភាក្សា​ជាមួយ​ប្រធាន​គណបក្ស​នេះ​ផ្ទាល់​ស្ដីពី​កម្មវិធី​នយោបាយ​របស់​គណបក្ស​សម្រាប់​ប្រកួត​យក​តំណែង​ក្រុម​ប្រឹក្សា​ឃុំ-សង្កាត់​អាណត្តិ​ទី​៤ ដូច​ត​ទៅ៖

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បទសម្ភាសន៍​ជាមួយ​ប្រធាន​គណបក្ស​យុវជន​កម្ពុជា​ស្ដីពី​ការ​ត្រៀម​ខ្លួន​បោះឆ្នោត

ប្រធាន​គណបក្ស​យុវជន​កម្ពុជា លោក ពេជ្រ ស្រស់ ផ្ដល់​បទសម្ភាសន៍​ឲ្យ​អាស៊ីសេរី កាល​ពី​ថ្ងៃ​ទី​២៤ ខែ​មេសា ឆ្នាំ​២០១៧។ Photo: RFA

ដោយ ចេង ម៉េងជូ RFA 2017-05-22

គណបក្ស​យុវជន​កម្ពុជា ជា​គណបក្ស​ដ៏​ថ្មី​សន្លាង​មួយ​ក្នុង​ចំណោម​គណបក្ស​ទាំង​១២ ដែល​ចូលរួម​ប្រកួត​ក្នុង​ការ​បោះឆ្នោត​ជ្រើសរើស​ក្រុម​ប្រឹក្សា​ឃុំ-សង្កាត់​អាណត្តិ​ទី​៤។ គណបក្ស​នេះ​ឈរ​ឈ្មោះ​បោះឆ្នោត​នៅ​ឃុំ-សង្កាត់​ចំនួន​១៩ ក្នុង​ខេត្ត​ត្បូងឃ្មុំ តែ​មួយ​គត់។

តើ​គណបក្ស​យុវជន​កម្ពុជា បាន​ត្រៀម​ខ្លួន​ដូចម្ដេច​ខ្លះ​ដើម្បី​ទាក់ទាញ​សំឡេង​គាំទ្រ​ពី​ពលរដ្ឋ​ជា​ម្ចាស់​ឆ្នោត​នៅ​ខេត្ត​ត្បូងឃ្មុំ?

សូម​លោក​អ្នក​នាង​ស្ដាប់​បទសម្ភាសន៍​របស់​អ្នក​យក​ព័ត៌មាន​អាស៊ីសេរី គឺ​កញ្ញា ចេង ម៉េងជូ ជាមួយ​លោក ពេជ្រ ស្រស់ ដែល​ជា​ប្រធាន​គណបក្ស​នេះ​ដូច​ត​ទៅ៖

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Justice official denies authenticity of emails

Ministry of Justice spokesperson Kim Santepheap, seen in a photograph posted on his Facebook page in January, confirmed on Saturday that his social media account was hacked. Facebook

Mech Dara and Erin Handley
The Phnom Penh Post, Mon, 22 May 2017

Cambodia’s embattled justice system and its alleged tight alignment with the ruling party have been thrust into the spotlight after what appeared to be a string of hacked emails were leaked from Justice Ministry spokesman Kim Santepheap’s account over the weekend.

Santepheap yesterday confirmed he had fallen victim to a hacker, as had the Ministry of Justice Facebook page, which uncharacteristically broadcasted images from the opposition campaign rally on Saturday.

“Yes, my email has been hacked by the hacker . . . right now, the police department is checking,” he said.

When Santepheap was shown screenshots of the emails, he maintained the hacker could have meddled with his documents to “make confusion” and insisted they were false.

“The hacker can hack into my email account, therefore the hacker can do whatever he wants to when the email reaches his hand. So all the data I would like to deny; it is not true.”
Released the same weekend as political rallies that kicked off the official commune election campaign season, the purported emails shed light on a different election period, in 2013.

The Post was able to independently verify some of the files contained in the emails, such as an August 8, 2013, letter from Interior Minister Sar Kheng to then-opposition leader Sam Rainsy, warning him against protests and demonstrations.

But not all the contents of the emails could be similarly verified yesterday.

The bulk of the correspondence centres on the “Cyber War Room (CWR) strike team”, which was created in 2014 by the Council of Ministers and Press and Quick Reaction Unit to monitor Facebook and other websites for the purpose of protecting the government. Some of the emails exchanged contain an assortment of memes aiming to slander the opposition via social media.

One of the most damning emails, if true, refers to spreading “information/disinformation” about the impending return of “SR”, presumably a reference to Rainsy, who was in self-imposed exile but landed on Cambodian soil ahead of the tight 2013 polls.

The email discusses the need to “justify the arrest of SR” and to paint him as a lawbreaker, not as a hero or victim. Another document appears to be a frank review of the much maligned Justice Ministry, which acknowledges the cycle of corruption and nepotism and suggests ways to improve transparency.

If genuine, the emails would appear to implicate the Prime Minister’s son, Hun Manet, who surfaces as a correspondent. Manet would only respond to reporters’ questions yesterday via WhatsApp.

“Hehe . . . do you think I wrote those letters?” he wrote, adding a “laughing crying” emoji.

Rainsy, contacted yesterday, said the email involving his arrest was from “[d]espicable CPP agents whose only ambition is to become experts in spreading false information and manipulating people”.

“We also know that any CPP official wears two hats, working for both the party and the state at the same time. The state apparatus is used as a tool to serve the former communist party’s interest.”

Social analyst Meas Ny said the symbiosis between the justice system and the party came as no surprise, citing long held criticisms about the judiciary’s lack of independence.

“The Justice Ministry got manipulated a lot . . . [They] appear to be on the side of the CPP rather than . . . [serving] justice in the country,” he said.

He added that the justice system needed to show it could work independently to “move in the right direction”.

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Civil parties are leaving mixed legacy at Khmer Rouge tribunal

Civil Party MOM Vun testifies last year before the Trial Chamber of ECCC in Case 00202 against Nuon Chea and Khieu Samphan. Sok Heng Nhet/ECCC

Andrew Nachemson, The Phnom Penh Post
Mon, 22 May 2017

The closing brief of the civil parties in the trial of Khmer Rouge leaders Khieu Samphan and Nuon Chea, made public this week, summarises the “unique” role of the civil parties in the Khmer Rouge tribunal, a role that has been lauded as ground-breaking but not without controversy.

The closing brief offers a perspective on the purpose of civil parties in the trial, writing that “Civil Parties are on equal footing with the Co-Prosecutors and the Accused” and noting that civil parties in this trial have the unique ability to ask questions directly to the accused.

The court has been praised by outside observers for allowing victims to directly participate in an international trial for the first time. At the same time, however, some have argued that their participation has been curtailed, while the defence has criticised the amount of weight given to their testimony by the trial judges.

Out of millions of victims of the Khmer Rouge regime, the court accepted 3,869 civil parties that were represented as a “consolidated group” of those most affected by the regime. Sixty-four civil parties ultimately ended up testifying in court, with 52 of those posing questions to the accused. In every instance the defendants “exercised their right to silence and declined to answer”.

“I tried to follow the Party lines. I sacrificed my life, and did not mind as to when I would die. And when the Democratic Kampuchea was established, why my parents, my blood siblings, and my relatives, myself and my comrades in arms were tortured, imprisoned and forced to work day and night with insufficient food that they subsequently disappeared?” civil party Ou Dav asked the regime leaders.


Khieu Samphan and Nuon Chea are on trial for a slew of crimes, having already been sentenced to life in prison after being found guilty for the forced evacuation of Phnom Penh and political persecution in Case 002/01.

Civil Parties members at the Forum on the Developments of ECCC Proceedings and Reparation in Case 00202 held in Kampong Cham this February. ECCC

Case 002/02 features perhaps the most significant charges of genocide and forced marriage. The civil party closing brief features disturbing testimony on both subjects.

Lead civil party co-lawyer Marie Guiraud said the purpose of the brief is to highlight “personal experiences” of victims to “assist the Trial Chamber in characterising elements of the crimes for which the Accused are being tried”.

In the brief, Him Man, a member of the Muslim Cham minority, was quoted as testifying that Cham people were specifically forced to eat pork because it went against their customs.

“We were forced at gun point [to eat pork] . . . Some people were weeping while they were eating pork . . . I myself had to force myself to eat pork, otherwise I would be shot dead,” Man said.

Man added that the Cham people were also forced to cut their hair and weren’t allowed to pray.

The brief also features testimony from multiple women who were forced to marry strangers and were raped either by their husbands or by Khmer Rouge officials when they resisted.

“Two days before the marriage, at nighttime at around 7pm, a group of comrades called me to go to rice storage. There were five of them and it was about 7pm and I could not see their faces . . . And after they raped me, my marriage was arranged,” said Mom Vun.

Chum Mey, one of the survivors from the secret Khmer Rouge prison S-21 gives his testimony before the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia in 2009. ECCC

Pen Sochan, at 15 or 16, was forced to marry a 25-year-old man who raped her after she refused to consummate the marriage the first two nights.

“He raped me while under the watch of the militiamen . . . They laughed and they shouted at us that we had to make children for Angkar,” said Sochan.

Both Khieu Samphan and Nuon Chea are seeking a full acquittal of all charges, with their defence teams arguing that there isn’t enough evidence to link the leaders directly to the crimes.

Chea’s lawyer, Victor Koppe, has previously objected to the handling of civil party testimony, arguing that civil parties aren’t held to the same strict standards as witnesses, yet their testimony still has the potential to influence the judges’ decisions.

Youk Chhang, director of the Documentation Centre of Cambodia, said he admires the courage of civil parties, but added that “no trial has the ability to compensate what we lost”.

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Commune elections 2017: Parties already file complaints

Chan Somaly, CNRP’s second candidate for Kokchak commune, was questioned yesterday by a military official for campaigning and having a party billboard outside her house. Ananth Baliga

Mech Dara and Niem Chheng
The Phnom Penh Post, Mon, 22 May 2017

A confrontation between rival rallies in Takeo and the questioning of an opposition candidate by a Military Police officer in Siem Reap prompted both major parties to file complaints with election authorities on the first weekend of the official campaign period.

The two separate incidents took place within the first 48 hours of the two-week campaign for the June 4 commune elections, which started on Saturday and saw political parties hold events across the country.

The confrontation in Takeo occurred in Koh Andet district on Saturday at about 8:30am when marching ruling Cambodian People’s Party supporters met a stationary rally of opposition Cambodia National Rescue Party supporters on a narrow dirt road in Prey Khla commune.

A video of the incident shows a heated exchange between representatives of both parties.

Following the stand-off, CPP Deputy Commune Chief Pech Chhim lodged a complaint with the Commune Election Committee alleging the opposition group of about 15 people and its leader, Keo Arth, had breached Article 171 of the Commune Election Law.

The section prohibits people from blocking candidates or supporters from registering, voting or campaigning, and carries a fine of between about $1,250 and $5,000.

In the complaint, Chhim demands that the group be “cancelled . . . from the election list”.

Takeo Provincial Election Committee head Nuon Saren said the CNRP had also lodged a complaint over the incident and that an attempt to resolve the conflict at the commune level yesterday afternoon had failed, meaning the matter would next be assessed by his team.

Saren said his understanding was that the CNRP group had heard the ruling party rally’s loudspeaker and set out to stop the procession from crossing through the village, which could have breached Article 171.

Local opposition officials could not be reached, and CNRP spokesman Yim Sovann referred questions to fellow lawmaker and official in charge of the provincial campaign Pol Ham, who was also unreachable.

Meanwhile, CNRP officials in Siem Reap’s Kokchak commune lodged a complaint with their Commune Election Committee (CEC) yesterday after a supposed Military Police officer, yet to be identified, questioned a party candidate over the course of two days.

A CPP campaign rally crosses paths with an opposition CNRP rally in the capital’s Meanchey district on Saturday. Pha Lina

The man first questioned vendors outside the residence of CNRP commune council candidate Chan Somaly, 25, on Saturday as to why the CNRP was erecting a billboard in the commune’s Kok Tnaut village.

The official then returned yesterday, this time in plain clothes, and asked Somaly intrusive questions about a forum the party was holding yesterday.

The complaint was filed by commune chief candidate Yim Phally, who called the incident an act of intimidation. Phally added that CEC officials were already investigating the incident.

“I am not afraid, but I am suspicious as to why he is coming to investigate,” said Somaly, who is the second candidate on the ballot for the CNRP.

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Once-jailed ex-commune chief in Kampong Cham helps wife recapture his seat

Seang Chet uses a loudspeaker to announce the Cambodia National Rescue Party’s policies as his rally passes through Kampong Siem district. Ananth Baliga

Chhay Channyda and Ananth Baliga
The Phnom Penh Post, Mon, 22 May 2017
Kampong Cham

Former Sam Rainsy Party Commune Chief Seang Chet kicked off the two-week commune election campaign period on Saturday in the bed of a truck plastered with Cambodia National Rescue Party banners, calling out a rhetorical question to nearby villagers: “Do you know who I am?”

Indeed, Chet’s profile extends well beyond his Srok commune constituency in Kampong Cham province, albeit not for the reasons he may have hoped. Chet was thrust into the national spotlight last April after being swept up in authorities’ enthusiastic investigation of an alleged love affair between CNRP President Kem Sokha and a hairdresser named Khom Chandaraty.

The commune chief was accused of attempting to bribe Chandaraty’s mother to deny the affair for $500 – a sum he says was sent to him by overseas party supporters to supplement the hairdresser’s loss of a job, and which was never accepted by the family. Picked up by the Anti-Corruption Unit, Chet spent nearly nine months in pretrial detention, with a swift two-minute trial finding him guilty of bribing a witness and sentencing him to five years in prison.

He was released in December after a political deal was struck that saw both him and Sokha – who had been convicted for ignoring repeated court summonses – receive royal pardons.

Stopping at an intersection on Saturday to allow a slightly larger Cambodian People’s Party rally to pass, Chet turned to villagers and again asked: “Do you know who I am?”

“You know who I am. I am Seang Chet, the one who was released from prison,” he said. “Vote for the CNRP.”

One look at the ballot for the upcoming election of June 4, however, shows that Chet’s name is missing. Not eligible to run because his prison term prevented him from registering to vote, Chet has found a surrogate to run in Srok commune: his wife.

“Yes, my wife is at home. I am campaigning for her,” he said, before turning his attention back to the villagers.

Despite his freedom, Chet quickly realised his return to the political arena would have to wait. He had missed the November 30 voter registration deadline, and candidates have to be on the voter rolls to run for local office.

After consultations with the CNRP leadership and lawyers, Chet had a solution; his wife, Sreng Sokhoeun, would run in his place.

Chet said he has made it clear to his constituents – if they agree with him, they should vote for Sokhoeun. “Even if my wife stays at home, they know they should vote for her,” he said.

Sreng Sokhoeun, Seang Chet’s wife, prefers her husband to campaign for the CNRP, even though she is the candidate for the June 4 ballot. Ananth Baliga

While he attempts to focus on development and local issues, there is no hiding that Chet is looking to use his prison term as an electoral issue, although without any malice or bitterness, he said.

“I am not angry with the ACU. I am not even angry with Chandaraty and her mother,” he said. “Because I know there are powerful men behind this trick.”

Conspicuous in her absence on the campaign trail, Sokhoeun was at the couple’s home in Lpeak village in Srok commune while her husband tried to convince voters nearby.

Surrounded by half a dozen grandchildren, the mother of five sons shyly said that she was more than happy to leave the campaigning to her husband.

Much more reserved than Chet, Sokhoeun’s answers are peppered with nervous giggles, a stark contrast to her husband’s confident demeanour, which remains intact despite his recent stint in prison.

“He has the experience and will help me if I win,” she said. “But I know I can do it.”

Chet wrested his seat from the ruling party in 2012 in his first foray into elected office. Coming from a relatively well-off family, Chet was known in the commune for helping people, whether by buying them food in times of financial hardship or organising last rites for the locale’s poorer residents.

Sokhoeun, meanwhile, comes into the race a novice. With no experience in public office, Chet’s wife has so far played the role of breadwinner – managing a 5-hectare farm as well as other agricultural projects – a point accentuated by local vendor Ly Channa, as she walked by the couple’s home.

“People know her. Her heart is within Uncle [Chet] because she earns for him,” Channa said, not hiding who she would vote for.

Separating two quarrelling grandchildren, Sokhoeun said she is certain her husband’s goodwill in the commune – garnered over years of helping the poor and needy – will take her over the finish line come June 4.

“He has used money from our family to help people,” she said. “He doesn’t care which party the people support.”

While admitting her husband will assist her, Sokhoeun does not intend to be a mere rubberstamp.

Having worked as a farmer for years, she has seen firsthand the turmoil inflicted by recently deflated crop prices and wants to find a way to ensure her constituents get a fair market price.

“But for that the national government has to change and we need to start that now,” she said.

Sokhoeun’s candidacy makes Srok’s pick for a commune chief a family affair. The CPP candidate is her sister’s brother-in-law, whom she said has only defected from the opposition recently, though she quickly moved to another subject.

“I don’t know a lot about him, but I know my sister will vote for me,” she said. “And her husband will vote for his brother.”

A few kilometres away, a contingent of more than 50 CPP supporters, dressed in light blue shirts with neatly printed party logos, entered the party’s commune headquarters around noon after rallying around Srok and Trean communes.

The reluctance to delve into the family connection was mirrored by the ruling party candidate Sort Soan. While acknowledging the ties, he refused to comment on them.“They also said I was a CNRP activist,” he said. “I was just a regular villager who joined the CPP.”

Taking a break from the daylong road show, Soan wiped the sweat off his brow before laying out the case against Chet and Sokhoeun.

“He is not on the list and she has no popularity,” he said. “So it will not work [for them].”

He said the one-term commune chief had failed to make any progress on irrigation, roads and other development projects in the commune, saying the budget was provided by the national government but not utilised by Chet.

“The villagers have seen that there is no development with the CNRP,” he said.

Chet disagreed, saying he has used all of the 63 million riel (about $15,750) provided to him to construct 4 kilometres of road and has also convinced a local NGO to provide villages with purified drinking water at a low cost.

Chet acknowledged the unconventional situation he has put his wife in, but he contends it will be in the villagers’ best interests to have him associated with the commune’s future local council. Despite his confidence on the campaign trail, he was aware that one misstep could lead to a repeat of last year’s hassles.

“I also have to be careful because I can advise my wife at home but cannot enter the commune hall,” he said.

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